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Erschienen in \u00abAMNESTY \u2013 Magazin der Menschenrechte\u00bb vom M\u00e4rz 2018.", "slblocks": { "41af59abb74941d6b9ca45056b40ad08": { "@components": { "actions": { "@id": "https://amnesty-api.webcloud7.ch/de/magazin-amnesty/2018-1/im-namen-des-volkes/details/@actions" }, "aliases": { "@id": "https://amnesty-api.webcloud7.ch/de/magazin-amnesty/2018-1/im-namen-des-volkes/details/@aliases" }, "breadcrumbs": { "@id": "https://amnesty-api.webcloud7.ch/de/magazin-amnesty/2018-1/im-namen-des-volkes/details/@breadcrumbs" }, "contextnavigation": { "@id": "https://amnesty-api.webcloud7.ch/de/magazin-amnesty/2018-1/im-namen-des-volkes/details/@contextnavigation" }, "footer": { "@id": "https://amnesty-api.webcloud7.ch/de/@footer", "data": { "msg": "Not extandable for caching reasons, please call @id in a separate request." } }, "linklist": { "@id": "https://amnesty-api.webcloud7.ch/de/@linklist", "data": { "msg": "Not extandable for caching reasons, please call @id in a separate request." } }, "navigation": { "@id": "https://amnesty-api.webcloud7.ch/de/magazin-amnesty/2018-1/im-namen-des-volkes/details/@navigation" }, "navroot": { "@id": "https://amnesty-api.webcloud7.ch/de/magazin-amnesty/2018-1/im-namen-des-volkes/details/@navroot" }, "types": { "@id": "https://amnesty-api.webcloud7.ch/de/magazin-amnesty/2018-1/im-namen-des-volkes/details/@types" }, "workflow": { "@id": "https://amnesty-api.webcloud7.ch/de/magazin-amnesty/2018-1/im-namen-des-volkes/details/@workflow" } }, "@id": "https://amnesty-api.webcloud7.ch/de/magazin-amnesty/2018-1/im-namen-des-volkes/details", "@type": "TitleTextBlock", "UID": "41af59abb74941d6b9ca45056b40ad08", "allow_discussion": false, "created": "2025-10-19T19:00:20+00:00", "cta_href": "", "cta_label": null, "cta_new_window": false, "cta_type": "", "id": "details", "is_folderish": true, "items": [], "items_total": 0, "layout": "view", "lock": {}, "modified": "2025-10-19T19:00:20+00:00", "next_item": {}, "parent": { "@id": "https://amnesty-api.webcloud7.ch/de/magazin-amnesty/2018-1/im-namen-des-volkes", "@type": "ArticlePage", "description": "Populismus \u2013 das Wort ist in den Medien allgegenw\u00e4rtig. 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Zun\u00e4chst verwendete die Politikwissenschaft \u2013 sp\u00e4ter auch die Medien \u2013 den Begriff Populismus in Europa, um nicht mehr von Rechtsextremismus oder Faschismus zu sprechen. So vor allem in Frankreich zur Zeit der ersten Erfolge des Front National in den achtziger Jahren\u00bb, erkl\u00e4rt Antoine Chollet. Der Politikwissenschaftler an der Universit\u00e4t Lausanne definiert Populismus als Verteidigung der Volkssouver\u00e4nit\u00e4t und der Demokratie. Seiner Meinung nach \u00abtr\u00e4gt der Populismus ein radikales Reformprojekt in sich, das in einem demokratischen Rahmen bleibt\u00bb. Parteien wie die SVP oder der Front National, die keine weitreichenden Reformen des bestehenden politischen Systems vorschlagen oder gar den demokratischen Rahmen angreifen, sieht er daher nicht als populistisch.

\u00abPopulismus ist einerseits durch eine fast kultische Verehrung des Volkes gekennzeichnet. Andererseits auch dadurch, dass ein \u2039Volkstribun\u203a an ebendieses Volk appelliert.\u00bb Pierre-Andr\u00e9 Taguieff, Philosoph und Politikwissenschaftler

Ganz anders die Definition des franz\u00f6sischen Philosophen und Politikwissenschaftlers Pierre-Andr\u00e9 Taguieff. Ihm zufolge ist der Populismus \u00abeinerseits durch eine fast kultische Verehrung des Volkes gekennzeichnet \u2013 insbesondere von Volksschichten, die als \u2039gesund\u203a, \u2039ehrlich\u203a\u00bb oder \u2039authentisch\u203a gefeiert werden. Andererseits auch dadurch, dass ein \u2039Volkstribun\u203a an ebendieses Volk appelliert\u00bb. Taguieff pr\u00e4zisiert zwar, dass Populismus mit jeder politischen Richtung kompatibel ist. In seiner Analyse konzentriert er sich dennoch vor allem auf F\u00fchrungspersonen der extremen Rechten wie Donald Trump, Viktor Orb\u00e1n oder Marine Le Pen. Sie behaupten, sie w\u00fcrden sich dem herrschenden System entgegenstellen, indem sie die Einwanderung oder den Islam angreifen. Es sind \u00abtalentierte Demagogen, die die Misserfolge der alten Mitte-Rechts- und Mitte-Links-Parteien ausnutzen \u2013 eine Dynamik, die durch den Dschihad-Terrorismus verst\u00e4rkt wird\u00bb.

\u00abEin Populist behauptet, \u2039f\u00fcr das Volk\u203a zu sprechen, indem er sich den Eliten widersetzt, obwohl er oft selbst Mitglied dieser Elite ist.\u00bb Ashfaq Khalfan, Leiter des Programms f\u00fcr Recht und Politik bei Amnesty International

Laut Ashfaq Khalfan, Leiter des Programms f\u00fcr Recht und Politik bei Amnesty International, kann Populismus legitime Forderungen und positive Ans\u00e4tze zur St\u00e4rkung des Wohlfahrtsstaates beinhalten. Populismus werde aber dann problematisch, wenn er versucht, bestimmte Gruppen in der Gesellschaft ihrer Grundrechte zu berauben, so Ashfaq Khalfan. Dies ist beispielsweise der Fall, wenn Rodrigo Duterte auf den Philippinen Drogenabh\u00e4ngige stigmatisiert und ihre Eliminierung aus der Gesellschaft fordert. Oder wenn der Front National in Frankreich Muslime und Fl\u00fcchtlinge d\u00e4monisiert. Ashfaq Khalfan weist auch auf das Paradox hin, das oft im Zentrum populistischer Bewegungen steht: \u00abEin Populist behauptet, \u2039f\u00fcr das Volk\u203a zu sprechen, indem er sich den Eliten widersetzt, obwohl er oft selbst Mitglied dieser Elite ist.\u00bb

Verwischte Fronten

Der Populismus kann ganz unterschiedliche Formen annehmen, je nachdem, in welchen Regionen er sich entfaltet und welche ideologischen Elemente \u2013 links oder rechts \u2013 er absorbiert. Die politische F\u00fchrung in Polen, Ungarn und der tschechischen Republik ist beispielsweise ebenso demagogisch wie westeurop\u00e4ische Populisten, aber viel autorit\u00e4rer, beobachtet Pierre-Andr\u00e9 Taguieff. Ein wesentliches Unterscheidungsmerkmal bestehe in der \u00abRolle, die der Bewahrung der christlichen Identit\u00e4t zugeschrieben wird, mit welcher die Ablehnung von Immigration und der Anti-Islamismus einhergehen\u00bb. Demgegen\u00fcber ist \u00abdie beharrliche Verteidigung des S\u00e4kularismus \u2013 die sich beispielsweise im Diskurs des neuen Front National in Frankreich widerspiegelt \u2013 dem identit\u00e4ren Populismus in Osteuropa fremd\u00bb.

\u00abLinkspopulismus bestimmt den Feind im Allgemeinen aufgrund der sozialen und wirtschaftlichen Klasse und zielt gegen nationale und ausl\u00e4ndische Eliten\u00bb, sagt Ashfaq Khalfan von Amnesty International. Aber es gebe F\u00e4lle, in denen auch linke Populisten bestimmte ethnische Gruppen angreifen. \u00abVor allem, wenn die Populisten glauben, diese Gruppen w\u00fcrden die Elite dominieren. Linkspopulisten fordern h\u00e4ufig mehr staatliche Marktregulierung, w\u00e4hrend Rechtspopulisten meist weniger staatliche Kontrolle wollen \u2013 vor allem, wenn ihre Basis aus Kleinunternehmern besteht\u00bb, so Ashfaq Khalfan.

Auch rechtspopulistische Bewegungen greifen in gewissem Umfang traditionell linke Themen auf \u2013 unter Beibehaltung ihrer rassistischen Grundhaltung. \u00abIn den vergangenen Jahren hat der Front National zum Beispiel den Schutz des Wohlfahrtsstaates und den Schutz marginalisierter l\u00e4ndlicher Regionen verlangt\u00bb, stellt Ashfaq Khalfan fest. \u00abDurch die Aufnahme sozialer Forderungen konnten populistische Parteien viele W\u00e4hler und W\u00e4hlerinnen f\u00fcr sich gewinnen, die zuvor traditionell f\u00fcr sozialistische und kommunistische Parteien gestimmt hatten.\u00bb

\u00abDurch die Aufnahme sozialer Forderungen konnten populistische Parteien viele W\u00e4hler und W\u00e4hlerinnen f\u00fcr sich gewinnen, die zuvor traditionell f\u00fcr sozialistische und kommunistische Parteien gestimmt hatten.\u00bb Ashfaq Khalfan

F\u00fcr Pierre-Andr\u00e9 Taguieff machen die Zuschreibungen \u00ablinks\u00bb oder \u00abrechts\u00bb eigentlich keinen Sinn mehr in einer Zeit, \u00abin welcher eigentlich die moderate, globalisierungsfreundliche Mitte auf der einen Seite und die extremen Globalisierungskritiker auf der anderen Seite die Rolle der Opposition \u00fcbernehmen\u00bb.

Der Wahlerfolg von Donald Trump hat den populistischen Bewegungen Auftrieb gegeben, sch\u00e4tzt Pierre-Andr\u00e9 Taguieff. \u00abSeine Erfolgswelle hat gezeigt, dass der Hass und die Ablehnung der Elite durch die Unterprivilegierten wie auch der Globalisierungsverlierer erfolgreich ausgenutzt werden k\u00f6nnen, um an die Macht zu gelangen.\u00bb Antoine Chollet hingegen lehnt es ab, Trump als Populisten zu bezeichnen, denn der Wissenschaftler ist davon \u00fcberzeugt, dass Trump vielmehr Methoden der extremen Rechten anwendet: \u00abDazu geh\u00f6rt es, \u00fcber die Gegner zu sprechen statt \u00fcber politische Themen. Dazu geh\u00f6rt aber auch ein paranoider Blick auf Politik und Gesellschaft.\u00bb \u00a0\u00a0

Der Widerspruch der direkten Demokratie

Die direkte Demokratie in der Schweiz ist dem Populismus dienlich: \u00abDie SVP nutzt die Instrumente der direkten Demokratie aus rein taktischen Gr\u00fcnden f\u00fcr ihre Ziele\u00bb, betont Antoine Chollet. \u00abDie SVP wird die direkte Demokratie aber nicht verteidigen, wenn sie ihren Partei-Interessen l\u00e4uft. Leider wird als Resultat dieser Instrumentalisierung jeder, der die direkte Demokratie verteidigt, dem konservativen Spektrum zugeteilt \u2013 wenn nicht sogar als fremdenfeindlich betrachtet. \u00bb

In der Schweiz wurde die direkte Demokratie instrumentalisiert, um MuslimInnen daran zu hindern, Minarette zu bauen. Damit wurden ihre Religionsfreiheit und die Nicht- Diskriminierungsrechte verletzt. Mit direkter Demokratie soll nun auch den Sprach-Minorit\u00e4ten der Zugang zum \u00f6ffentlichen Rundfunk verwehrt werden, was Ashfaq Khalfan zutiefst beunruhigt, denn: \u00abEine Demokratie muss die Menschenrechte garantieren. Ansonsten wird sie zum Instrument f\u00fcr die Tyrannei der organisierten Mehrheit.\u00bb

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