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Doch ist es in vielen L\u00e4ndern gef\u00e4hrlich, dieses Recht in Anspruch zu nehmen. Und bei uns? Auch hier hat die freie Meinungs\u00e4usserung Grenzen. Ein Dossier rund um ein viel diskutiertes Thema.", "effective": "2020-03-01T10:42:00+00:00", "end": null, "getObjSize": null, "head_title": null, "image_field": null, "image_scales": {}, "mime_type": null, "nav_title": null, "review_state": "website_workflow--STATUS--veroffentlicht", "start": null, "title": "Meinungsfreiheit: Die Macht der Worte", "type_title": "TopicPage" }, "pills": [], "previous_item": {}, "review_state": "website_workflow--STATUS--veroffentlicht", "sidebar_date": null, "sidebar_item_1": null, "sidebar_item_2": null, "sidebar_label": null, "sidebar_link": "", "sidebar_text": "Von Wolf-Dieter Vogel. 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Erst Venezuela, dann Ecuador, Chile, Bolivien und zuletzt Kolumbien \u2013 S\u00fcdamerika kommt nicht zur Ruhe. Demonstrierende ziehen mit Trommeln und Kocht\u00f6pfen durch die Strassen, Jugendliche liefern sich Schlachten mit der Polizei, hochger\u00fcstete Sicherheitskr\u00e4fte gehen gewaltsam gegen die Rebellierenden vor. In einigen L\u00e4ndern hat sich die Lage nach den Eskalationen im vergangenen Herbst wieder beruhigt, in anderen, insbesondere in Chile, spitzt sie sich weiter zu. Eines haben jedoch alle Proteste deutlich gezeigt: Sowohl in wirtschaftsliberal als auch in links regierten Staaten haben die Bewegungen das Potenzial, verkrustete, autorit\u00e4re Strukturen aufzubrechen und Machtverh\u00e4ltnisse infrage zu stellen. Ob die K\u00e4mpfe aber soziale Gerechtigkeit, demokratischere Verh\u00e4ltnisse und eine St\u00e4rkung der Menschenrechte bringen werden, ist nicht ausgemacht.

Die Anl\u00e4sse, die die Menschen auf die Strasse treiben, gleichen sich. In Ecuador rief die Ank\u00fcndigung von Pr\u00e4sident Len\u00edn Moreno, die Benzinsubventionen zu streichen, massive Proteste hervor. Transportunternehmerinnen, Gewerkschafter und Studierende gingen auf die Barrikaden. Als indigene Gemeinden des kampfstarken Dachverbands CONAIE aus dem ganzen Land nach Quito zogen und die Hauptstadt mit Blockaden stilllegten, nahm Moreno die Streichung zur\u00fcck.

Gesundheit nur gegen Geld

Zur gleichen Zeit begannen Sch\u00fclerinnen und Sch\u00fcler in Santiago de Chile mit Demonstrationen gegen die Erh\u00f6hung der U-Bahn-Preise um 30 Pesos (damals ca. 4 Rappen). Schnell weiteten sich die Aktionen aus und richteten sich schliesslich gegen den konservativen Pr\u00e4sidenten Sebasti\u00e1n Pi\u00f1era. Bis zu einer Million Menschen zogen durch die Strassen. \u00abEs geht nicht mehr um 30 Pesos, sondern um 30 Jahre Machtmissbrauch\u00bb, hiess es mit Blick auf die Pinochet-Diktatur, durch die Chile zum Vorzeigemodell neoliberalen Wirtschaftens wurde. Nicht nur die Armen, auch die Mittelschicht leidet unter der Privatisierung des Bildungs-, Rentenund Gesundheitswesens. Nur wenige Reiche k\u00f6nnen sich eine gute Krankenversorgung leisten. Die Mehrheit kann auch die teuren Mieten oder Universit\u00e4tsgeb\u00fchren nicht bezahlen.

Auch Pi\u00f1era musste dem Druck nachgeben. Am 25. April sollen die Chileninnen und Chilenen dar\u00fcber abstimmen, ob sie eine neue Verfassung wollen. Diese soll die bisherige aus der Pinochet- Zeit ersetzen, in der die Abkehr des Staates von sozialer Verantwortung festgeschrieben ist. Aktuellen Umfragen zufolge wollen sich rund 70 Prozent f\u00fcr eine neue Verfassung aussprechen. Innerhalb eines Jahres muss dann ein neuer Verfassungstext ausgearbeitet und durch ein Referendum best\u00e4tigt werden.

Dennoch demonstrieren weiterhin Freitag f\u00fcr Freitag Hunderttausende. Viele von ihnen fordern den R\u00fccktritt Pi\u00f1eras und eine grunds\u00e4tzliche Abkehr vom Neoliberalismus. Die Polizei geht brutal gegen die Oppositionellen vor. 29 Demonstrierende kamen zwischen dem Beginn der Proteste im Oktober und Ende Januar ums Leben. Dem Nationalen Menschenrechtsinstitut (INDH) zufolge verloren 405 Personen durch Gummigeschosse und Tr\u00e4nengasgranaten das Augenlicht auf einem oder beiden Augen. Erika Guevara Rosas, die Amerika-Sprecherin von Amnesty International, sieht hinter der Polizeigewalt eine Absicht: \u00abDie Demonstrierenden werden verletzt, um den Protesten den Anreiz zu nehmen, und das auch mit extremen Mitteln wie Folterungen und sexueller Gewalt.\u00bb

Polizei greift durch

Menschenrechtsverletzungen konnten die Mobilisierungen in Lateinamerika jedoch bislang kaum eind\u00e4mmen. Nach der Ferienzeit d\u00fcrften die Proteste im M\u00e4rz in Chile weiter an St\u00e4rke zunehmen. Trotz der Repression. In Venezuela und Nicaragua, deren Regierungen sich links verorten, hat die Kritik an Eins\u00e4tzen von Polizeikr\u00e4ften und paramilit\u00e4rischen Gruppen immer eine wichtige Rolle gespielt. Auch in Kolumbien, das von einem konservativen Pr\u00e4sidenten regiert wird, sind die Proteste im Januar nicht zuletzt wegen des harten Vorgehens der Sicherheitskr\u00e4fte eskaliert. Fast t\u00e4glich werden dort Aktivistinnen und Aktivisten ermordet, Paramilit\u00e4rs terrorisieren ihre GegnerInnen. Neben der Forderung, den Friedensvertrag mit der ehemaligen FARC-Guerilla umzusetzen, stehen aber auch hier soziale Fragen im Vordergrund. Die Proteste h\u00e4tten das Land ver\u00e4ndert, erkl\u00e4rt Fabio Arias, der Generalsekret\u00e4r der grossen Gewerkschaft CUT: \u00abDie Agenda der Regierung steht infrage.\u00bb

Jederzeit k\u00f6nnen solche K\u00e4mpfe in anderen s\u00fcdamerikanischen L\u00e4ndern entflammen. Auch in Argentinien, Peru oder Brasilien existiert eine extreme Schere zwischen Arm und Reich. Nachdem die Rohstoffpreise eingebrochen sind, befinden sich viele Staaten in einer Krise, die diese Kluft noch versch\u00e4rft. Das Kupfer, das Chile in grossen Mengen exportiert, ist 30 Prozent weniger wert als 2011. Der Preis des Erd\u00f6ls, Venezuelas Lebensgrundlage, sank um 40 Prozent, der Exporterl\u00f6s f\u00fcr das in Brasilien und Argentinien extensiv angebaute Soja ist ein Drittel geringer als 2010.

Der Boom ist vorbei

Dabei lief zun\u00e4chst alles sehr gut. Der chinesische Wirtschaftsboom und Aufschw\u00fcnge in Europa und den USA sorgten Anfang der 2000er f\u00fcr eine hohe Nachfrage nach Erzen, \u00d6l und Agrarprodukten. Die Preise stiegen, und PolitikerInnen aller Couleur setzten auf die r\u00fccksichtslose Ausbeutung nat\u00fcrlicher Ressourcen. Dieser \u00abExtraktivismus \u00bb sp\u00fclte viel Geld in die Staatskassen, belebte die M\u00e4rkte, schuf neue Konsumentkreise und Spielraum f\u00fcr Sozialprogramme. Sozialistische Regierungschefs wie Venezuelas Hugo Ch\u00e1vez unterst\u00fctzten mit den Einnahmen Gesundheitszentren und Arbeitskooperativen. Der \u00abSozialismus des 21. Jahrhunderts \u00bb basierte auf dem Verkauf des Erd\u00f6ls: 96 Prozent der Devisen kamen dadurch ins Land. Auch in anderen Staaten weckte der Boom Hoffnungen: Nach Angaben der Uno-Wirtschaftskommission Cepal sank die Zahl der extrem Armen in Lateinamerika zwischen 2001 und 2011 von 19,3 auf 11,3 Prozent.

Doch seit die Weltwirtschaft kr\u00e4nkelt, offenbaren sich die Fehler dieser florierenden Zeiten. Anstatt in nachhaltige Entwicklung zu investieren, orientierten sich staatliche Ausgaben h\u00e4ufig an populistischen Interessen. Ob in Brasilien oder Venezuela: Viel Geld verschwand und verschwindet weiterhin in korrupten Kan\u00e4len. Zugleich m\u00fcssen die Regierungen Kredite zur\u00fcckbezahlen, die w\u00e4hrend des Aufschwungs aufgenommen wurden. Die Ungleichheit ist erneut gestiegen und die Zahl der Armen nimmt wieder zu. Cepal zufolge leben derzeit 72 Millionen Menschen in Lateinamerika in extremer Armut, 2014 waren es 46 Millionen.

Die Verteilungsk\u00e4mpfe sind aber auch nicht neu. Schon lange wehren sich indigene Gemeinschaften gegen die Ausbeutung der nat\u00fcrlichen Ressourcen, weil die se ihre Lebensgrundlage zerst\u00f6rt. Und nicht zuletzt waren es die K\u00e4mpfe der VerliererInnen der wirtschaftsliberalen Politik, der Ausgeschlossenen und Armen, die dazu gef\u00fchrt haben, dass mit Ch\u00e1vez ein linker Milit\u00e4r Pr\u00e4sident von Venezuela wurde.

Dennoch trifft die Krise Arbeiterinnen in Caracas ebenso wie Mittelschichtstudenten in Santiago de Chile. Angesichts mangelnder Devisen ist von den venezolanischen Sozialprogrammen nichts geblieben. Das Fehlen der Petrodollars f\u00fchrte zu einer humanit\u00e4ren Krise: Die Krankenversorgung ist zusammengebrochen, vier Millionen Menschen verliessen ihr Land. Amnesty wirft der venezolanischen Regierung willk\u00fcrliche Verhaftungen, aussergerichtliche Hinrichtungen und die Unterdr\u00fcckung der Meinungsfreiheit vor.

Attacken gegen die Basis

In Venezuela, aber auch in Bolivien trieb das autokratische, repressive Verhalten der Regierung Menschen auf die Barrikaden. Schon lange bevor der linke, indigene Pr\u00e4sident Boliviens, Evo Morales, im November durch wahrscheinlich gef\u00e4lschte Wahlen seine Macht erhalten wollte, hatte er bereits zahlreiche Anh\u00e4ngerInnen gegen sich aufgebracht. 2016 setzte er mithilfe des Verfassungsgerichts die M\u00f6glichkeit einer Wiederwahl durch, obwohl sich die Mehrheit in einem Referendum dagegen ausgesprochen hatte. F\u00fcr Kritik sorgte auch sein Vorgehen gegen Indigene. Es seien die Attacken der Regierung gegen die Basisbewegungen gewesen, die zur politischen Krise in dem Land gef\u00fchrt h\u00e4tten, erkl\u00e4rte der uruguayische Theoretiker Ra\u00fal Zibechi, nachdem Morales auf Druck des Milit\u00e4rs st\u00fcrzte. \u00abDie Ultrarechten konnten diesen Volksaufstand f\u00fcr sich nutzen\u00bb, schreibt er.

Dass nach der Flucht des Pr\u00e4sidenten rechtsextreme, evangelikale Kr\u00e4fte die Macht \u00fcbernahmen, hat die Polarisierung versch\u00e4rft. Deren Anh\u00e4ngerInnen verbrannten auf den Strassen Wiphala- Fahnen, das Zeichen des plurinationalen indigenen Staats, w\u00e4hrend ihre \u00dcbergangspr\u00e4sidentin Jeanine \u00c1\u00f1ez im Regierungspalast eine Bibel in die H\u00f6he hielt. SoldatInnen, \u00abdie an Operationen zur Herstellung der inneren Stabilit\u00e4t teilnehmen\u00bb, sind per Dekret von jeglicher strafrechtlicher Verfolgung ausgeschlossen \u2013 ein Freibrief f\u00fcr Massaker, wie Morales zu Recht aus der Ferne kritisierte.

Am 3. Mai wird in Bolivien ein neuer Pr\u00e4sident gew\u00e4hlt. Sollten die Rechten gewinnen, w\u00e4re das ein schwerer R\u00fcckschritt f\u00fcr die Emanzipation der Indigenen und die Menschenrechte. Doch nicht zuletzt die Urbev\u00f6lkerung Ecuadors hat bewiesen, welche Kraft ihre autonome Organisation entfalten kann. Auch die ausserparlamentarischen Proteste in Chile zeigen, wie man PolitikerInnen zum Handeln zwingt. Unabh\u00e4ngig davon, wer die Regierung stellt, wird das Ringen um soziale Gerechtigkeit und Menschenrechte in Lateinamerika weitergehen, \u00abbis es sich zu leben lohnt\u00bb. So haben es chilenische Aktivistinnen und Aktivisten auf zahlreiche H\u00e4userw\u00e4nde geschrieben.

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Bis es sich zu leben lohnt

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